---
title: '"Liquidate the kulaks as a class":the propaganda campaign for collectivization (1929-1933)'
url: https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/
description: in December 1929 Stalin announced a shift "from a policy of limiting the exploiting tendencies of the kulaks to a policy of liquidating the kulaks as a…
section: Case studies
---

![Illustration: an interwar radio-and-newsreel intelligence collage with a 1930s map of Europe and propaganda poster proofs.](https://propagandaarchive.org/static/generated/detail/hero-interwar.jpg)

[Case studies](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/)

# "Liquidate the kulaks as a class":the propaganda campaign for collectivization (1929-1933)

At a glance

In December 1929 Stalin announced a shift "from a policy of limiting the exploiting tendencies of the kulaks to a policy of liquidating the kulaks as a class"…

- **When:** December 27, 1929
- **Actor:** The Communist Party of the Soviet Union under Stalin: Pravda and Izvestia, the Central Committee…
- **Target:** The Soviet peasantry, sorted into 'kulak', 'seredniak'…
- **Source:** Identified Openly sourced: the speaker is who they say they are
- **Confidence:** **documented** Primary documents, court records, official disclosures
- **Techniques:** [Name-calling](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/name-calling/) [Scapegoating](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/scapegoating/) [Identity fusion](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/identity-fusion/) [Euphemism / doublespeak](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/euphemism/) [Card stacking](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/card-stacking/) [Fear appeal](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/fear-appeal/) [Bandwagon](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/bandwagon/) [Glittering generalities](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/glittering-generalities/)
- **Regime:** [Soviet Union under Stalin](https://propagandaarchive.org/regimes/soviet-union/)

Full details

- **Actor:** The Communist Party of the Soviet Union under Stalin: Pravda and Izvestia, the Central Committee and Politburo, the OGPU, and the Twenty-Five Thousanders sent from the cities
- **Target:** The Soviet peasantry, sorted into 'kulak', 'seredniak' (middle peasant) and 'bednyak' (poor peasant) tiers; households classed as kulaks and their families; foreign correspondents in Moscow

On this page

- [What happened](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/#what-happened)
- [How it works](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/#how-it-works)
- [Then and now](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/#then-and-now)
- [Positions on the record](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/#positions-on-the-record)
- [Same-method test](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/#same-method-test)
- [How to spot it](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/#how-to-spot-it)
- [Images](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/#images)
- [Sources](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933/#sources)

On this page

> **Content note.** This page quotes denunciation slogans used against a category of peasants ("kulak-hoarders", "kulak-parasites") and describes mass deportation, forced grain seizure and a famine in which millions died. The labels and figures are quoted as evidence of the method. They are not this archive's description of anyone. **This page is not the archive's case study on the 1932-33 famine itself** (Holodomor and the wider Soviet famine); that is covered on its own page, [the Holodomor page](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/holodomor-and-denial/) (opening in a separate pull request), which this page links to rather than duplicates.

**In one line:** in December 1929 Stalin announced a shift "from a policy of limiting the exploiting tendencies of the kulaks to a policy of liquidating the kulaks as a class"; two Central Committee and Politburo decrees in January 1930 turned that phrase into three deportation categories worked by local classification commissions, and the press, posters and an army of 25,000 urban cadres carried the campaign into villages where, within three years, a famine that the Soviet press never named as one killed millions.

![Diagram: Stalin's 1929 speech announcing the liquidation of the kulaks as a class leads to January 1930 decrees setting three deportation categories, worked through the kulak/seredniak/bednyak tiers, carried by posters and the Twenty-Five Thousanders, corrected downward in "Dizzy with Success", and followed by the 1932 law of spikelets and a press that reported grain "successes" through the famine years](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/images/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933-diagram.svg)

## What happened

- **7 November 1929.** Pravda publishes Stalin's article "God velikogo pereloma" ("The Year of the Great Turn"), which claims that the middle peasantry has made "a radical turn" (korennoi perelom) toward the collective farm.
- **27 December 1929.** At the All-Union Conference of Marxist Agrarians, Stalin says the Party has moved "from a policy of limiting the exploiting tendencies of the kulaks to a policy of liquidating the kulaks as a class" (Stalin, "K voprosam agrarnoi politiki v SSSR"). The speech gives no legal definition of who counts and sets no timetable; both follow within weeks.
- **5 January 1930.** A Central Committee decree, "On the Pace of Collectivization and Measures of State Assistance to Collective-Farm Construction", sets regional deadlines: the North Caucasus and the Volga are to complete collectivization "in the main" by autumn 1930 or spring 1931, other grain-growing regions by spring 1932.
- **30 January 1930.** The Politburo adopts "On measures for the elimination of kulak households in districts of comprehensive collectivization" (O meropriiatiiakh po likvidatsii kulatskikh khoziaistv v raionakh sploshnoi kollektivizatsii). It sorts kulak households into three categories: category 1, "counter-revolutionary kulak activists", to be arrested and referred to OGPU troikas, with an initial national planning figure of roughly 60,000 households; category 2, other "kulak activists", to be deported with their families to remote regions of the USSR (the Northern Krai, Siberia, the Urals, Kazakhstan); category 3, the remaining kulak households, to be resettled within their own district on inferior land outside the new kolkhoz boundaries. On 2 February the OGPU's Order No. 44/21 sets regional arrest and deportation quotas to carry the decree out.
- **The classification tiers.** Soviet usage since Lenin split the peasantry into *kulak* (a well-off peasant employing hired labour, from the Russian for "fist"), *seredniak* (middle peasant) and *bednyak*/*batrak* (poor peasant/farm labourer). In 1929-30 local commissions applied these labels to actual households, without a court hearing and often without a fixed income or land threshold; the coined label *podkulachnik* ("kulak's henchman" or "sub-kulak") let commissions treat seredniaks and even bednyaks who resisted or sheltered kulak neighbours the same way (Fitzpatrick 1994; Viola 1996).
- **Winter-spring 1930.** Posters and slogans carry the campaign to the village: denunciation posters use the period pejorative *miroed* ("world-eater", an established Russian term for a hoarding exploiter, pinned specifically on kulaks) in slogans reported as "Death to the kulak-hoarders!"; others exclude the target category directly, for instance "There is no place in our kolkhoz for priests or kulaks!" (В нашем колхозе нет места попам и кулакам!), printed in both Russian and Ukrainian and signed by the artist Nikolai Mikhailov, and "Let's kick the kulaks out of the collective farms!" (Вышибем кулаков из колхозов!). Following the November 1929 Central Committee appeal, roughly 27,000 urban industrial workers with Party or Komsomol standing — the "Twenty-Five Thousanders" (dvadtsatipiatitysiachniki) — are sent to the countryside to organize and lead new kolkhozes (Viola 1987).

**Content note:** Soviet poster caricaturing peasants labelled kulaks. This object is shown as it was published. [Why](https://propagandaarchive.org/about/#as-it-was) ![Poster: a young man in a red shirt addresses a village meeting; bearded men in the foreground scowl and clench their fists](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/images/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933-vyshibem-kulakov-poster-1930.jpg)

*"Let's kick the kulaks out of the collective farms" (Vyshibem kulakov iz kolkhozov), 1930: poster, Gosizdat, Moscow-Leningrad, print run 50,000; artist not credited. State Historical Museum copy via [Wikimedia Commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%D0%92%D1%8B%D1%88%D0%B8%D0%B1%D0%B5%D0%BC_%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B2_%D0%B8%D0%B7_%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BB%D1%85%D0%BE%D0%B7%D0%BE%D0%B2_1930.jpg); public domain (anonymous work published before 1931).*

**Content note:** Soviet poster caricaturing a priest and peasants labelled kulaks. This object is shown as it was published. [Why](https://propagandaarchive.org/about/#as-it-was) ![Poster: a very large woman in red holding a rake stops a priest and two peasants raising crosses, with tractors behind her](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/images/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933-no-place-for-priests-kulaks.jpg)

*"There is no place in our kolkhoz for priests and kulaks" (V nashem kolkhoze net mesta popam i kulakam), poster by Nikolai Mikhailov, Moscow, print run 40,000, published by the Association of Artists of the Revolution (AKhR); Commons dates it to before 1941, and its collective-farm subject places it in the collectivization campaign. Via [Wikimedia Commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%D0%92_%D0%BD%D0%B0%D1%88%D0%B5%D0%BC_%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BB%D1%85%D0%BE%D0%B7%D0%B5_%D0%BD%D0%B5%D1%82_%D0%BC%D0%B5%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0_%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%BC_%D0%B8_%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%BA%D0%B0%D0%BC.jpg); public domain (author died 1940).*

- **1 March 1930.** Official Soviet statistics report 57.2% of peasant households collectivized nationally, up from about 4.1% at the start of October 1929 (Davies 1980) — the reported pace itself becomes part of the campaign's proof that collectivization is succeeding.
- **2 March 1930.** Pravda publishes Stalin's article "Golovokruzhenie ot uspekhov" ("Dizzy with Success"), which blames local officials for "excesses" (peregiby) in the pace and methods of collectivization while leaving the policy itself in place. Reported kolkhoz membership falls sharply in the weeks after publication — Davies (1980) gives a drop to about 23% by 1 June — then climbs back through renewed pressure over 1930-31.
- **1930-1931.** Historians using OGPU and Gulag administration archives estimate that roughly 1.8 million people were deported to "special settlements" (spetsposeleniia) in these two years, and that total dekulakization arrests, executions and deportations across the whole campaign reached several million households (Viola 2007; Werth, in Courtois et al. 1999).

![Photograph: young men digging and bagging grain among snow-covered grave crosses in a cemetery](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/images/collectivization-dekulakization-propaganda-1929-1933-seizing-grain-1930.jpg)

*Komsomol members recovering grain said to have been hidden by "kulaks" in a cemetery in Ukraine, dated 1 November 1930. Photograph by Max Alpert, RIA Novosti archive image #79113; the caption's use of "kulak" is the state's own classification, which the page above describes as applied broadly. [Wikimedia Commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:RIAN_archive_79113_Seizing_grain_from_kulaks.jpg); CC BY-SA 3.0.*

- **7 August 1932.** The Central Executive Committee and Council of People's Commissars adopt the decree "On the Protection of the Property of State Enterprises, Collective Farms and Cooperatives, and the Strengthening of Public (Socialist) Property", popularly the "law of spikelets" (zakon o kolosyakh) or "law of the five ears of grain". It prescribes death by shooting, or in mitigating circumstances at least ten years' imprisonment, for taking kolkhoz or state grain, down to gleaning fallen ears in the field.
- **1932-1933.** A famine, worst in Ukraine, the North Caucasus, the lower Volga and Kazakhstan, follows forced grain procurement carried out against harvests that had already fallen. Soviet demographic reconstructions and the state's own procurement and export records document the scale; the word "famine" (golod) does not appear in the Soviet press of 1932-33, and Pravda's coverage in this period continues to report grain-procurement "successes" and to celebrate shock-worker brigades while the state continued to export grain, at reduced but non-zero volumes, through the famine years (Davies and Wheatcroft 2004). **This page describes the famine's existence and scale for context only; its own propaganda record — the denial, the death toll and the debate over intent — is covered on the dedicated page [the Holodomor page](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/holodomor-and-denial/) (opening in a separate pull request), not duplicated here.**
- **March 1933.** The Welsh journalist Gareth Jones travels, without official Soviet permission, through villages in Ukraine and reports mass starvation at a Berlin press conference on 29 March; Soviet authorities bar him from returning to the USSR. Walter Duranty, the *New York Times*' Moscow bureau chief, publishes a rebuttal on 31 March ("Russians Hungry, But Not Starving") stating there is "no actual starvation" though "widespread mortality from diseases due to malnutrition"; a group of Moscow-based foreign correspondents, writing partly to protect their continued access and visas, also downplays Jones's account (Taylor 1990). Duranty's Pulitzer Prize, awarded in 1932 for separate 1931 dispatches, is not withdrawn; the *New York Times* itself later called some of his 1932-33 reporting "some of the worst reporting to appear in this newspaper" (editors' note, 2003), and the Pulitzer Board, asked in 2003 to revoke the prize, declined to do so.

## How it works

- [Name-calling](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/name-calling/): "kulak" and its Soviet-era extension "podkulachnik" name a kind of household, not a documented act. Once attached, the label routed a family into one of three deportation categories set by the 30 January 1930 decree, with no court hearing establishing what, if anything, that household had done.
- [Scapegoating](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/scapegoating/): the campaign placed responsibility for grain shortages, slow collectivization and "wrecking" on a named class enemy rather than on the procurement targets or the policy itself. When the pace of collectivization produced open unrest, "Dizzy with Success" moved the blame a second time, onto local officials' "excesses", while leaving the target and the categories in place.
- [Identity fusion](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/identity-fusion/): joining the kolkhoz and denouncing kulak neighbours were folded into loyalty to Soviet power; resisting, however expressed, could be read back as kulak sympathy through the "podkulachnik" label, which had no fixed economic test at all. Posters excluding "priests and kulaks" from the kolkhoz in the same breath fused religious and economic outsider status into one target category.
- [Euphemism / doublespeak](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/euphemism/): "liquidation of the kulaks as a class" (a policy of arrest, deportation and dispossession of a named group of families) and "dekulakization" (raskulachivanie) name the campaign without naming what happened to the people in it. In 1932-33 the state's own vocabulary for the famine — "difficulties in grain procurement", never "golod" — did the same work in the other direction: it kept a documented mass death event out of the public language altogether.
- [Card stacking](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/card-stacking/): Pravda's 1 March 1930 figure (57.2% collectivized) presented the campaign's pace as its own proof of success without the coercion that produced it; the 1932-33 press continued to report procurement "successes" and export figures while omitting the famine unfolding in the same regions. The Moscow press corps' 1933 rebuttal of Gareth Jones is a second instance: it answered an eyewitness account with the correspondents' own continued access to Soviet officials, not with an independent check.
- [Fear appeal](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/fear-appeal/): slogans such as "Death to the kulak-hoarders!" and the deportation categories themselves (arrest, exile, dispossession) were not abstract; category 1 and 2 households were removed from their homes, in some cases within days of classification, and the 1932 "law of spikelets" set a death penalty for taking grain, publicised precisely so the threat would be known before it was used.
- [Bandwagon](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/bandwagon/): rising collectivization percentages, publicised as they climbed, were presented as proof that collectivization was the peasantry's own choice; the "Twenty-Five Thousanders" and staged village meetings that voted to join a kolkhoz added a visible mass of participants that made refusal look increasingly isolated (Viola 1987; Fitzpatrick 1994).
- [Glittering generalities](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/glittering-generalities/): "the Great Turn" and "socialist reconstruction of the countryside" describe a coercive resettlement and requisition campaign in terms of historical progress and national renewal, without stating the arrests, deportations or requisition quotas the campaign actually carried out.

## Then and now

**Before and after, in the same archive.** The People's Republic of China's own land-reform campaign of 1946-52 sorted rural households into class labels — landlord, rich peasant, middle peasant, poor peasant, hired hand — modelled in part on Soviet categories, and used denunciation "struggle sessions" rather than deportation orders to remove the target group; see the comparison in [Land reform and the struggle session: how the CCP's class labels decided who kept their land, 1946-1952](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/land-reform-struggle-sessions-1946-1952/) once that page lands. The Great Leap Forward's own procurement-figure propaganda a generation later, covered in [The Great Leap Forward's 'sputnik' harvests and the famine that followed](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/great-leap-forward-yield-claims/), reused the same move this page tags [Card stacking](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/card-stacking/): a reported record becomes the quota, and doubting the record becomes a loyalty question.

The scale and the outcome differ sharply between the two Soviet-era episodes on this page and their nearest parallel. Collectivization propaganda organized the arrest and deportation of a named legal-status class across the entire USSR inside about eighteen months, at a documented cost of roughly 1.8 million people deported to special settlements in 1930-31 alone (Viola 2007) and, in the famine that followed, millions of deaths (see [the Holodomor page](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/holodomor-and-denial/) (opening in a separate pull request) for the toll and its own contested record). China's 1946-52 land reform, by contrast, mostly used local violence and public struggle sessions rather than mass deportation as its instrument, with death-toll estimates in a lower but still large range (commonly cited around 1 to 2 million; contested, and outside this page's scope to resolve). Both used the same class-label mechanism; the instrument each state chose to enforce it, and the resulting scale, were different.

## Positions on the record

- **The Party's position at the time.** Stalin's December 1929 speech and the January 1930 decrees describe dekulakization as a necessary, class-based measure to permit "comprehensive collectivization" and remove exploiting elements from the countryside. "Dizzy with Success" (March 1930) maintains that the policy itself was correct and blames "excesses" in its local execution. Official 1930s statistics presented rising kolkhoz membership and, later, rising grain procurement, as evidence of the policy's success; the state did not use the word "famine" in its own 1932-33 press.
- **Later Soviet and Russian positions.** The USSR did not reverse the dekulakization verdict during its existence. The Russian Federation's 1991 law "On the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression" names dekulakization deportees among those entitled to rehabilitation, without adopting a specific death toll or issuing an apology for the campaign as a whole.
- **Scholarship.** Lynne Viola's *Peasant Rebels Under Stalin* (1996) and *The Unknown Gulag* (2007) document the categories, the deportation numbers and the special-settlement system from OGPU and Gulag administration archives. Sheila Fitzpatrick's *Stalin's Peasants* (1994) documents how the kulak/seredniak/bednyak labels were applied and contested at the village level, including denunciation and the "podkulachnik" label. R. W. Davies and Stephen G. Wheatcroft's *The Years of Hunger* (2004) is the standard quantitative study of Soviet grain procurement, exports and the 1931-33 famine built from state archives. Robert Conquest's *The Harvest of Sorrow* (1986) argues the famine was a deliberate, primarily anti-Ukrainian act of policy and gives higher casualty figures than the later archive-based studies.
- **What is documented.** The texts and dates of Stalin's 1929 article and speech, the January 1930 Central Committee and Politburo decrees and their three categories, the 2 March 1930 "Dizzy with Success" article and the collectivization-rate reversal that followed its publication, the 7 August 1932 decree, and the Duranty/Jones episode of March 1933, including the *New York Times*' own 2003 editorial characterization of Duranty's reporting.
- **What is contested.** The precise numbers deported, imprisoned and executed under dekulakization vary by archive and method (see Viola 2007 and Werth in Courtois et al. 1999 for ranges); the 1932-33 famine's death toll, its regional breakdown and whether it meets the legal definition of genocide are argued in detail — including by governments, which differ in their official positions — and are treated on [the Holodomor page](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/holodomor-and-denial/) (opening in a separate pull request) rather than here. Whether Duranty's 1933 denials reflected genuine misjudgment, self-interested access-seeking, or ideological sympathy is debated by his biographers (Taylor 1990) and is not resolved on this page.
- **Not ruled on here.** Whether collectivization was economically necessary or justified as agricultural policy, and whether the 1932-33 famine was intentional. This page scores how the campaign's language and imagery were built and used, not the underlying policy debate or the famine's legal character.

## Same-method test

The same tagging applies wherever a government sorts a population into a fixed status category, announces its removal in advance of any individual finding of wrongdoing, and uses posters or press campaigns to make that removal look like the population's own initiative. Nazi Germany's 1933-1935 press and poster campaign against people classed by race under the Nuremberg framework used the same [Name-calling](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/name-calling/) and [Identity fusion](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/identity-fusion/) mechanism — a status label doing the work a charge would do — at a different scale and toward a different, explicitly racial rather than economic, target category; the Reich's own later record of mass murder makes that a categorically different outcome from dekulakization's deportation-and-famine outcome, not an equivalent one.

**A U.S. example, for the same test applied at home.** Executive Order 9066 (19 February 1942) and the subsequent internment of roughly 120,000 Japanese Americans, about two-thirds of them U.S. citizens, sorted a population by a fixed, inherited status (Japanese ancestry) rather than by any individual finding, and government posters and press releases framed the removal in terms of protection and cooperation ("civilian exclusion orders") rather than force. The same [Name-calling](https://propagandaarchive.org/techniques/name-calling/)-adjacent status-sorting mechanism applies, tagged here with the same definition used above. The outcomes differed by orders of magnitude: internees were held in camps inside the United States, most were released by 1945, the government paid reparations under the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, and a 1983 federal commission and a 1988 Act of Congress both found the policy unjustified by military necessity. No one was deported to build a system of special settlements, and no comparable famine followed. Same sorting mechanism; very different instrument and very different order of harm.

## How to spot it

- Ask whether the label names an act or a status. "Kulak", once a commission had applied it, followed the household regardless of anything a family member had individually done; a charge names a deed with a date.
- Watch for a policy correction that blames the local implementers rather than the policy. "Dizzy with Success" let the January 1930 decrees and their categories stand while moving the story to "excesses" in how they were carried out.
- Check whether a reported rate (percent collectivized, grain procured) is also the number the same authority is using to set its own next target. When a report and a quota share an author, the report stops being an independent check.
- Notice when a word for a mass-death event disappears from the official press entirely. The absence of "famine" from 1932-33 Soviet coverage is itself part of the record, not just a gap in it.

## Images

| Image | Source | Licence |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Mechanism diagram (above) | Drawn for FRAME from the page's sourced facts (`make_diagrams_rtp_collectivization.py`) | CC BY 4.0, FRAME |
| "Let's kick the kulaks out of the collective farms" poster, Gosizdat, 1930 | [Wikimedia Commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%D0%92%D1%8B%D1%88%D0%B8%D0%B1%D0%B5%D0%BC_%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B2_%D0%B8%D0%B7_%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BB%D1%85%D0%BE%D0%B7%D0%BE%D0%B2_1930.jpg), State Historical Museum copy | Public domain (anonymous work published before 1931) |
| "There is no place in our kolkhoz for priests and kulaks" poster by Nikolai Mikhailov | [Wikimedia Commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%D0%92_%D0%BD%D0%B0%D1%88%D0%B5%D0%BC_%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BB%D1%85%D0%BE%D0%B7%D0%B5_%D0%BD%D0%B5%D1%82_%D0%BC%D0%B5%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0_%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%BC_%D0%B8_%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%BA%D0%B0%D0%BC.jpg) | Public domain (author died 1940) |
| Komsomol members seizing grain in a cemetery, Ukraine, 1 November 1930 | [Wikimedia Commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:RIAN_archive_79113_Seizing_grain_from_kulaks.jpg), photo by Max Alpert, RIA Novosti archive image #79113 | CC BY-SA 3.0 |

### Image gaps

- **The Ukrainian-language sibling poster**, "До нашого колгоспу не пустимо жадного попа та куркуля!" (the same Mikhailov design, Ukrainian text), same author and licence as the Russian version hosted above: [Wikimedia Commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%D0%94%D0%BE_%D0%BD%D0%B0%D1%88%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE_%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BB%D0%B3%D0%BE%D1%81%D0%BF%D1%83_%D0%BD%D0%B5_%D0%BF%D1%83%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B8%D0%BC%D0%BE_%D0%B6%D0%B0%D0%B4%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE_%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%B0_%D1%82%D0%B0_%D0%BA%D1%83%D1%80%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D1%8F%21.jpg). Not hosted separately (one design, two languages).
- **A photograph of the January-February 1930 deportation trains or a special settlement.** Wikimedia Commons holds "Dekulakisation in the USSR V 3.jpg" (a parade photograph under the banners "We will liquidate the kulaks as a class" and "All to the struggle against the wreckers of agriculture", dated 1929-1934, GFDL with a Wikimedia VRTS permission ticket confirming the release) and photographs captioned "Kulak children" and "Kulak women, 1930" in the same Commons category ("Category:Collectivization in the Soviet Union"). Licence terms for the parade photograph look solid; captioning and chain-of-custody for all three were not independently verified in this pass, and none could be downloaded (see above). **Fillable**, the parade photograph first.
- **A Pravda front page carrying "Dizzy with Success" (2 March 1930) or "The Year of the Great Turn" (7 November 1929).** No openly licensed scan of either front page was found from the environment used to build this page (commons.wikimedia.org and loc.gov were the only reachable hosts). **Possibly fillable** from a library or archive that clears U.S. rights for a 1929-30 Soviet newspaper page.
- **A portrait or dispatch photograph of Gareth Jones or Walter Duranty.** Not searched in this pass; both men died in the 20th century and a public-domain portrait (e.g., a passport or press-agency photo, or a work by a photographer dead 70+ years) may exist on Commons. **Possibly fillable.**
- **Soviet 1917-1930 civil-war-era posters.** Out of scope for this page and intentionally not added here; a separate FRAME thread covers that period and its posters. Readers looking for the run-up should see that page once it lands (link to be added when its slug is known).
- **Photographs of the 1932-33 famine itself** (starvation, mass graves, foreign relief). Deliberately not sourced or hosted on this page; that material belongs to [the Holodomor page](https://propagandaarchive.org/case-studies/holodomor-and-denial/) (opening in a separate pull request), which this page links to rather than duplicates.

## Sources

- I. V. Stalin, "God velikogo pereloma" ("The Year of the Great Turn"), *Pravda*, 7 November 1929; English translation in *Works*, vol. 12 (Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1955).
- I. V. Stalin, "K voprosam agrarnoi politiki v SSSR" ("Concerning Questions of Agrarian Policy in the USSR"), speech to the Conference of Marxist Agrarians, 27 December 1929; English translation in *Works*, vol. 12.
- I. V. Stalin, "Golovokruzhenie ot uspekhov" ("Dizzy with Success"), *Pravda*, 2 March 1930; English translation in *Works*, vol. 12.
- Central Committee of the CPSU(b), decree "O tempe kollektivizatsii i merakh pomoshchi gosudarstva kolkhoznomu stroitel'stvu" ("On the Pace of Collectivization and Measures of State Assistance to Collective-Farm Construction"), 5 January 1930.
- Politburo of the CPSU(b), decree "O meropriiatiiakh po likvidatsii kulatskikh khoziaistv v raionakh sploshnoi kollektivizatsii" ("On measures for the elimination of kulak households in districts of comprehensive collectivization"), 30 January 1930; discussed and partially translated in Viola et al. (eds.), *The War Against the Peasantry, 1927-1930* (Yale University Press, 2005).
- Central Executive Committee and Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, decree "Ob okhrane imushchestva gosudarstvennykh predpriiatii, kolkhozov i kooperatsii i ukreplenii obshchestvennoi (sotsialisticheskoi) sobstvennosti" (the "law of spikelets"), 7 August 1932.
- RSFSR/Russian Federation, Law "On the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression", 18 October 1991.
- Lynne Viola, *The Best Sons of the Fatherland: Workers in the Vanguard of Soviet Collectivization* (Oxford University Press, 1987).
- Lynne Viola, *Peasant Rebels Under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance* (Oxford University Press, 1996).
- Lynne Viola, *The Unknown Gulag: The Lost World of Stalin's Special Settlements* (Oxford University Press, 2007).
- Lynne Viola, V. P. Danilov, N. A. Ivnitskii and Denis Kozlov (eds.), *The War Against the Peasantry, 1927-1930: The Tragedy of the Soviet Countryside* (Yale University Press, 2005).
- Sheila Fitzpatrick, *Stalin's Peasants: Resistance and Survival in the Russian Village after Collectivization* (Oxford University Press, 1994).
- R. W. Davies, *The Socialist Offensive: The Collectivisation of Soviet Agriculture, 1929-1930* (Harvard University Press, 1980).
- R. W. Davies and Stephen G. Wheatcroft, *The Years of Hunger: Soviet Agriculture, 1931-1933* (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).
- Robert Conquest, *The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine* (Oxford University Press, 1986).
- Nicolas Werth, "A State Against Its People: Violence, Repression, and Terror in the Soviet Union", in Stéphane Courtois et al., *The Black Book of Communism* (Harvard University Press, 1999).
- S. J. Taylor, *Stalin's Apologist: Walter Duranty, the New York Times's Man in Moscow* (Oxford University Press, 1990).
- Walter Duranty, "Russians Hungry, But Not Starving", *New York Times*, 31 March 1933.
- "Turning Away From Starvation", editors' note, *New York Times*, 24 November 2003 (on the 2003 Pulitzer Board review of Duranty's 1932 prize).
- Wikimedia Commons, ["В нашем колхозе нет места попам и кулакам"](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%D0%92_%D0%BD%D0%B0%D1%88%D0%B5%D0%BC_%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BB%D1%85%D0%BE%D0%B7%D0%B5_%D0%BD%D0%B5%D1%82_%D0%BC%D0%B5%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0_%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%BC_%D0%B8_%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%BA%D0%B0%D0%BC.jpg), poster by Nikolai Ivanovich Mikhailov.
- Wikimedia Commons, ["Вышибем кулаков из колхозов" (1930)](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%D0%92%D1%8B%D1%88%D0%B8%D0%B1%D0%B5%D0%BC_%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B2_%D0%B8%D0%B7_%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BB%D1%85%D0%BE%D0%B7%D0%BE%D0%B2_1930.jpg).
- U.S. National Archives, Executive Order 9066 (19 February 1942), for the same-method test.
- Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians, *Personal Justice Denied* (1983); Civil Liberties Act of 1988, Pub. L. 100-383, for the same-method test's outcome.