The Four Minute Men

f 1 1 HERE was nothing more time- wasting than the flood J. of people that poured into Washington during the war, each burdened with some wonderful suggestion that could be imparted only to an executive head. Even so, all of them had to be seen, for not only was it their right as citizens, but it was equally the case that the idea might have real value. Many of our best suggestions came from the most unlikely sources.

In the very first hours of the Committee, when we were still penned in the navy library, fighting for breath, a handsome, rosy-cheeked youth burst through the crowd and caught my lapel in a death-grip. His name was Donald Ryerson. He confessed to Chicago as his home, and the plan that he presented was the organization of volunteer speakers for the purpose of making patriotic talks in motion-picture theaters. He had tried out the scheme in Chicago, and the success of the venture had catapulted him on the train to Washington and to me.

Being driven to the breaking-point has certain compensations, after all. It forces one to think quickly and confines thought largely to the positive values of a suggestion rather than future difficulties. Had I had the time to weigh the proposition from every angle, it may be that I would have decided against it, for it was delicate and dangerous business to turn loose on the country an army of WILLIAM I INGERSOLL

WILLIAM McCoRMicx BLAIR E. T. GUNDLACH speakers impossible of exact control and yet vested in large degree with the authority of the government. In ten minutes we had decided upon a national organization to be called the "Four Minute Men," and Mr. Ryerson rushed out with my appointment as its director.

When the armistice brought activities to a conclusion the Four Minute Men numbered 75,000 speakers, more than 7,555,190 speeches had been made, and a fair estimate of audiences makes it certain that a total of 134,454,514 people had been addressed. Notwithstanding the nature of the work, the infinite chances for blunder and bungle, this unique and effective agency functioned from first to last with only one voice ever raised to attack its faith and efficiency. As this voice was that of Senator Sherman of Illinois, this attack is justly to be set down as part of the general praise.

The form of presentation decided upon was a glass slide to be thrown on the theater-curtain, and worded as follows:

4 MINUTE MEN 4 (Copyright, 1917. Trade-mark.) (Insert name of speaker)

will speak four minutes on a subject of national importance. He speaks under the authority of

THE COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC INFORMATION GEORGE CREEL, CHAIRMAN WASHINGTON, D. C.

A more difficult decision was as to the preparation of the matter to be sent out to speakers. We did not want stereotyped oratory, and yet it was imperative to guard against the dangers of unrestraint. It was finally agreed that regular bulletins should be issued, each containing a budget of material covering every phase of the question to be discussed, and also including two or three illustrative four-minute speeches. Mr. Waldo P. Warren of Chicago was chosen to write the first bulletin, and when he was called away his duties fell upon E. T. Gundlach, also of Chicago, the patriotic head of an advertising agency. These bulletins, however, prepared in close and continued consultation with the proper officials of each government department responsible for them, were also gone over carefully by Professor Ford and his scholars.

The idea, from the very first, had the sweep of a prairie fire. Speakers volunteered by the thousand in every state, the owners of the motion-picture houses, after a first natural hesitancy, gave exclusive privileges to the organization, and the various government departments fairly clamored for the services of the Four Minute Men. The following list of bulletins will show the wide range of topics :

TOPIC PERIOD

Universal Service by Selective Draft. May 12-21, 1917

First Liberty Loan May 22-June 15, 1917 Red Cross June 18-25, 1917 Organization Food Conservation July 1-14, 1917 Why We Are Fighting July 23-Aug. 5, 1917 The Nation in Arms Aug. 6-26, 1917 The Importance of Speed Aug. 19-26, 1917

What Our Enemy Really Is Aug. 27-Sept. 23, 1917

Unmasking German Propaganda .... Aug. 27-Sept. 23, 1917

(supplementary topic) Onward to Victory Sept. 24-Oct. 27, 1917 Second Liberty Loan Oct. 8-28, 1917 Food Pledge Oct. 29-Nov. 4, 1917

Maintaining Morals and Morale. . . .Nov. 12-25, 1917

Carrying the Message Nov. 26-Dec. 22, 1917

War Savings Stamps Jan. 2-19, 1918

The Shipbuilder Jan 28-Feb. 9, 1918 TOPIC PERIOD

Eyes for the Navy Feb. 11-16, 1918

The Danger to Democracy Feb. 18-Mar. 10, 1918

Lincoln's Gettysburg Address Feb. 12, 1918 The Income Tax Mar. 11-16, 1918 Farm and Garden Mar. 25-30, 1918

President Wilson's Letter to Theaters. Mar. 31-Apr. 5, 1918

Third Liberty Loan Apr. 6-May 4, 1918 Organization (Republished Apr. 23, 1918) Second Red Cross Campaign May 13-25, 1918 Danger to America May 27-June 12, 1918

Second War Savings Campaign June 24-28, 1918

The Meaning of America June 29- July 27, 1918

Mobilizing America's Man Power. . .July 29-Aug. 17, 1918 Where Did You Get Your Facts?.. . .Aug. 26-Sept. 7, 1918

Certificates to Theater Members Sept. 9-14, 1918

Register Sept. 5-12, 1918 Four Minute Singing For general use Fourth Liberty Loan Sept. 28-Oct. 19, 1918

Food Program for 1919 Changed to Dec. 1-7; finally canceled

Fire Prevention Oct. 27-Nov. 2, 1918 United War Work Campaign Nov. 3-18, 1918 Red Cross Home Service Dec. 7, 1918 What Have We Won? Dec. 8-14, 1918

Red Cross Christmas Roll Call Dec. 15-23, 1918

A Tribute to the Allies Dec. 24, 1918

Almost from the first the organization had the projectile force of a French "75," and it was increasingly the case that government department heads turned to the Four Minute Men when they wished to arouse the nation swiftly and effectively. At a time when the Third Liberty Loan was lagging, President Wilson bought a fifty-dollar bond and challenged the men and women of the nation to "match" it. The Treasury Department asked the Committee to broadcast the message, and paid for the telegrams that went out to the state and county chairmen. Within a few days fifty thousand Four Minute Men were delivering the challenge to the people of every community in the United States, and the loan took a leap that carried it over the top. General Crowder followed the same plan in his registration campaign, putting up the money for the telegrams that went to the state and county chairmen, and, like Secretary McAdoo, he obtained the same swift service and instant results.

In June Mr. Ryerson left the Committee to take his commission in the navy. The soul of honor and loyalty and patriotism, and a dynamo of intelligent energy, the only thing that lessened the blow of his departure was that William McCormick Blair of Chicago, one of the originators of the idea, volunteered to build up a nation-wide organization. There was nothing easy about the task, for it demanded drudgery as well as vision, patience as well as drive, and high ability as well as patriotism. That Mr. Blair met these demands stands proved by the success of the Four Minute Men. No one ever saw him weary or discouraged, and his indomitable enthusiasm was at all times a source of inspiration to the Committee as a whole.

The first plan of an organization was the appointment of chairmen according to Federal Reserve districts, but this soon changed to organization by states, by counties, by cities, and even down to wards and townships. In every state the interest of the governor was enlisted, likewise the close co-operation of the State Council of Defense. Mr. Blair called to his side to serve on a National Advisory Council such men as William H. Ingersoll of "Ingersoll watch" fame, Prof. S. H. Clark of the University of Chicago, Samuel Hopkins Adams, the author, and "Mac" Martin of Minneapolis, and the work went forward until it reached from coast to coast. Philip L. Dodge volunteered to organize the New England States, Curtiss Nicholson went through the South, and Bertram G. Nelson, professor of public speaking at the University of Chicago, journeyed from city to city, gathering the Four Minute Men in each locality for instruction in the art of "putting talks across." These, men, together with Mr. Gundlach and Mr. Thomas J. Meek, also served as associate directors.

The speakers in every case received their authority and appointment from the chairmen of the local branches of the organization, who, in turn, were appointed through the state chairman or direct from headquarters at Washington. Each local chairman was registered at once in Washington.

The original method of organizing a local branch was as follows: The written indorsement of three prominent citizens— bankers, professional or business men — written on their own stationery in a prescribed official form, was required for the nomination of a local chairman. These indorsements were forwarded to headquarters in Washington, together with the proper form of application for authority to form a local branch, with the privilege of representing the government, in which application the number of speakers available was stated, in order that material might be forwarded promptly in case the application was approved.

There was pathos as well as humor in many of the incidental happenings. Men of the most unlikely sort had the deep conviction that they were William J. Bryans, and when rejected by local organizations many of them traveled clear to Washington for the purpose of delivering a four-minute speech to me in order that I might see for myself the full extent of the injustice to which they had been subjected. Constant changes had to be made in the interests of improvement, and every elimination held its due portion of hurt. Through an effective system of inspection, Mr. Blair managed to keep in touch with each community, and the ax fell heavily whenever a speaker failed to hold his audiences, or injected the note of partizanship, or else proved himself lacking in restraint or good manners.

As the organization grew, there came increasing pressure to widen the scope of activities. Compelled to pinch pennies and harassed at all times by lack of adequate funds, we resisted expansion instead of encouraging it, but it was not long until the new demands "ran over us," as it were, giving us the choice between growth or disintegration. Even so, each new step was considered carefully, and subjected to every possible restraint and supervision.

National arrangements were made to have Four Minute Men appear at the meetings of lodges, fraternal organizations, and labor unions, and this work progressed swiftly. In most cases these speakers were selected from the membership of the organizations to whom they spoke.

Under the authority of state lecturers of granges, four-minute messages, based upon the official bulletins, were given also at all meetings of the granges in many states. The work was next extended to reach the lumber-camps of the country, some five hundred organizations being formed in such communities. Indian reservations were also taken in, and furnished some of the largest and most enthusiastic audiences.

The New York branch organized a church department to present four-minute speeches in churches, synagogues, and Sunday-schools. The idea spread from city to city, from state to state, and proved of particular value in rural communities. Some of the states, acting under authority from headquarters, organized women's divisions to bring the messages of the government to audiences at matinee performances in the motion-picture theaters, and to the members of women's clubs and other similar organizations.

College Four Minute Men were organized, under instructors acting as chairmen, to study the regular Four Minute Men bulletins, and practise speaking upon the subjects thereof, each student being required to deliver at least one four-minute speech to the student body during the semester, in addition to securing satisfactory credits, in order to qualify as a Four Minute Man. This work was organized in 153 colleges.

At the request of the War Department, bulletins similar to those published for the use of the Four Minute Men were produced by national headquarters, to be used by company commanders in many cantonments throughout the country in preparing short talks to their men on the causes and issues of the war. The following campaigns of the kind were conducted to the complete satisfaction of the War Department, as expressed in its official report on the subject:

1. Why We Are Fighting. January 2, 1918.

2. Insurance for Soldiers and Sailors. February 1, 1918.

3. Back of the Trenches. April 6, 1918.

As a matter of fact, we went far beyond the request and furnished hundreds of officers with the regular Four Minute Men bulletins as well as with the Committee's pamphlets. All were expected to make "morale talks" to their men, yet nothing was done to aid them, and the publications of the Committee were their one hope.

The Junior Four Minute Men was an expansion that proved to be almost as important as the original idea, for the youngsters of the country rallied with a whoop, and, what was more to the point, gave results as well as enthusiasm. Like so many other activities of the Committee, the Junior movement was more accidental than planned. At the request of the state of Minnesota the Washington office prepared a special War Savings Stamps bulletin. Results were so instant and remarkable that the idea had to be carried to other states, more than a million and a half copies of the bulletin being distributed to school-children during the campaign. Out of it all came the Junior Four Minute Men as a vital and integral part of the Committee on Public Information.

It was our cautious fear, at first, that regular school- work might be interrupted, but it soon developed that the idea had real educational value, helping teachers in their task instead of hindering. The general plan was for the teacher to explain the subject, using the bulletin as a text-book, and the children then wrote their speeches and submitted them to the teacher or principal. The best were selected and delivered as speeches or were read. In a few cases extemporaneous talks were given.

Details of the contests were left largely to the discretion of the teachers. In small schools there was generally one contest for the whole school. In schools of more than five or six classes it was usual to have separate contests for the higher and lower classes, and sometimes for each grade. There were many different ways of conducting these contests. Sometimes they were considered as a regular part of the school-work and were held in the class-room with no outsiders present, but more often they were made special events, the entire school, together with parents and other visitors, being present. Both boys and girls were eligible and the winners were given an official certificate from the government, commissioning them as four-minute speakers upon the specified topic of the contest.

Following the War Savings Stamps contest came the Third Liberty Loan contest of April 6 to May 4, 1917. A million copies of this bulletin were published and were sent directly to the schools from the stencils of the United States Bureau of Education in Washington. About two hundred thousand schools in all parts of the country were reached in this way. The same plan of distribution was used for the Junior Fourth Liberty Loan contest, and for the Junior Red Cross Christmas roll-call, and these two bulletins were published in connection with the School Service bulletin, which was then going out from the Committee twice monthly to all schools on this list.

Another innovation, forced by a general demand, was the addition of four-minute singing to the work. People seemed to want to exercise their voices in moments of patriotism, so a bulletin of specially selected songs was prepared and issued. The various chairmen appointed song-leaders, to take charge of motion-picture-theater audiences, and the venture was a success from the first.

In the summer of 1918 Mr. Blair resigned to enter an officers' training-camp, but again the Committee was fortunate in having a successor at hand. Mr. William H. Ingersoll, a member of the Advisory Council since 1917, put his own business to one side entirely, and poured the full flood of his splendid energy into the task laid down by Mr. Blair. To the three leaders — Ryerson, Blair, and Ingersoll — must go all credit for the remarkable record of accomplishment.

To summarize: Exact reports, covering approximately one-half of the full activities of the organization, give a total of 505,190 four-minute speeches made to audiences totaling 202,454,514 people. This total does not cover the six campaigns from October 27, 1918, to the closing date of December 24th, nor does it include the first campaigns from May 22 to October 27, 1917. At a very reasonable estimate, these first campaigns added 40,000,000 to the total audience reached and not less than 70,000 to the number of speeches delivered, while the final six campaigns added certainly not less than 72,000,000 to the total audience and 180,000 to the number of speeches. Adding these conservative estimates to the above incomplete reports, the following results are shown:

Number of speeches given 755,190

Total audience 314,454,514

A very reasonable allowance for the considerable number of communities from which incomplete or no reports were received justifies an estimate of final totals of a million speeches heard by 400,000,000 individuals during the eighteen months' life of the organization — an average of about 28,000 speeches, reaching more than 11,000,000 people, during each of the 36 distinct campaigns covered by the 46 bulletins.

And let it be borne in mind that these were no haphazard talks by nondescripts, but the careful, studied, and rehearsed efforts of the best men in each community, each speech aimed as a rifle is aimed, and driving to its mark with the precision of a bullet. History should, and will, pay high tribute to the Four Minute Men, an organization unique in world annals, and as effective in the battle at home as was the onward rush of Pershing's heroes at St. Mihiel.

It was, and is to-day, our proud claim that no other war organization, with the exception of the Food Commission, paid such large returns on a small investment as the Committee on Public Information. The policy of almost niggardly economy, forced upon us by the enmity of Congress, compelled us to beg running expenses from individuals, as well as the gift of time and specialized ability. Men and women, coming to us with their offers of volunteer effort, were not only drained of their energy, but were actually induced to go into their pockets for cash contributions to carry on the work. This was true of many divisions, but it was peculiarly true in the case of the Four Minute Men. Here, for instance, are the amounts expended from presidential and Congressional appropriations: June, 1917- June, 1918

July-Dec., 1918 Totals Salaries $24,033 04 $18,711 96 $42 745 00 Printing . 29,107 06 7,344 82 36,451 88 Slides . . 7,300 08 7,300 68 Traveling . 4,942 09 1,000 00 5,942 09 General .... 5,856 90 3,258 55 9,115 45 Total $71,239 77 $30,315 33 $101,555 10

What a showing! A national organization covering the country like a blanket with a maximum membership of 75,000, working day in and day out, and conducted for a year and a half at an expense of scarcely more than $100,- 000. Each state director and each local chairman had to maintain his own office, as the Committee allowed nothing for such expenses. Each speaker gave not only his time, but had to foot his own bills, no matter what the amount. These contributions, figured below, have been recorded exactly wherever possible, and in other cases have been estimated very carefully from accurate data.

Actual expenses of state director's offices $ 177,090

Expenses of local chairmen's offices; estimated at $10 monthly for the known average number of chairmen (4,422 averaged over the entire eighteen months'

period) 795,960

Expenses of individual speakers, averaging ten speakers to the chairman and allowing for each speaker $2 monthly for all traveling and incidental expenses . 1,591,920

Total of contributed expenses $2,564,970

Thus it may be seen that the established amounts expended from voluntary contributions were more than twenty-five times the expenditures from the official appropriations.

These figures, however, are only part of the story. It is, of course, impossible to set an adequate monetary valuation upon services contributed so generously and so patriotically as were those of all the Four Minute Men, the motion-picture theaters, newspapers, churches, granges, lodges, labor unions, and other agencies which furthered the work. It is possible, however, and eminently proper to put into some concrete and tangible form the material value of this work in relation to the actual cost thereof to the government.

It would not be reasonable to set a lower valuation than four dollars on the delivery of a four-minute speech, requiring the most painstaking and exact preparation and unusual skill in condensation and forcefulness of delivery.

Not with any suggestion of undervaluing the inestimable co-operation of the theaters and other places in which speeches were delivered, but rather with a view to the most thorough conservatism, we will estimate a "rental value" for the delivery of each speech at one half the speakers' rate.

In addition to the messages brought to the people by means of the spoken word, the Four Minute Men secured for the government publicity worth at least three-quarters of a million dollars. Articles containing the pith of each bulletin were sent out from headquarters and released through local chairmen and publicity managers in thousands of communities for use in the local papers.

The average number of press clippings received at headquarters from a single clipping bureau, covering only the larger newspapers of the country, was 873 a month, or more than 15,000 during the eighteen months' life of the organization. These clippings averaged certainly not less than 60 lines each, totaling 900,000 lines, which at a low rate for this type of publicity, if purchased, would have cost $225,000.

Hundreds of newspapers mailed to headquarters from the smaller towns indicate that much larger space was consistently devoted to the government message in these places, while during the ban on public meetings, due to the influenza epidemic, newspapers in all parts of the country devoted sufficient space to carry daily four-minute messages prepared for them by members of the organization. It is extremely conservative to estimate the total value of all this publicity at $750,000.

A summary of all these items gives the following figures:

Contributed expenditures $2,564,970

One million speeches at $4 each 4,000,000

"Rent" of theaters, etc., to deliver above 2,000,000

Speeches (331) of traveling speakers 8,275 Publicity contributed by press 750,000 Grand total $9,313,245

All this on a government investment of $101,555.10.

No less an official than the President of the United States returned the thanks of the government to the Four Minute Men, and who shall say that the following tribute, impelled by sincere conviction, was not deserved:

THE WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON, November 29, 1918.

To all the Four Minute Men of the Committee on Public Information:

I have read with real interest the report of your activities, and I wish to express my sincere appreciation of the value to the government of your effective and inspiring efforts. It is a remarkable record of patriotic accomplishment that an organization of 75,000 speakers should have carried on so extensive a work at a cost to the government of little more than $100,000 for the eighteen months' period — less than $1 yearly on an individual basis. Each member of your organization, in receiving honorable discharge from the service, may justly feel a glow of proper pride in the part that he has played in holding fast the inner lines. May I say that I, personally, have always taken the deepest and most sympathetic interest in your work, and have noted, from time to time, the excellent results you have procured for the various departments of the government. Now that this work has come to its conclusion and the name of the Four Minute Men (which I venture to hope will not be used henceforth by any similar organization) has become a part of the history of the Great War, I would not willingly omit my heartfelt testimony to its great value to the country, and indeed to civilization as a whole, during our period of national trial and triumph. I shall always keep in memory the patriotic co-operation and assistance accorded me throughout this period and shall remain deeply and sincerely grateful to all who, like yourselves, have aided so nobly in the achievement of our aims.

Cordially and sincerely yours,

WOODROW WILSON.