The Work in Mexico

MR. ROBERT H. MURRAY, for years the correspondent of The New York World in the City of Mexico, and a man of proved ability, courage, and honor, was selected to have charge of the Committee's activities in Mexico. His report is given in full, not only that Mr. Murray's own achievement may be estimated, but because " is clear, concise chronicle will permit readers to understand the nature of the work done by all foreign commissioners, thereby obviating the necessity of complete reports in every case.

In the beginning, elements confronted the Mexico Section which rendered its task peculiarly difficult and, to a certain extent, unique. With the possible exception of Spain, in no other country outside of Mexico did the German propaganda attain such vigor and proportion, and nowhere was it waged with more determination and vicious mendacity. Events and conditions, which it is unnecessary to recapitulate, had caused the people and the government of Mexico to become highly responsive to overt or covert propaganda directed against the United States and in favor of Germany. The people, especially the masses, reacted favorably almost to a unit to the specious and insidious endeavors of the Germans to deceive them into believing that the triumph of the arms of the United States spelled menace and disaster to Mexico, and that a German victory would insure for them and their country every manner of political and economic benefit.

Thus the German propaganda thrived upon fruitful soil. It appealed to a ready-made, receptively sympathetic audience. Nevertheless, as the writer prophesied early in February, 1918, in a resume of the Mexican situation which he furnished to Chairman Creel, the German propaganda up to that time had not been successful in creating anything substantial or lasting commensurate with the effort and money expended. Nor did it later. This was proved when, as a result of the defeat of the German military power, the German propaganda in Mexico collapsed almost overnight, leaving nothing save a faint and rapidly disappearing impression upon the Mexican public to show for the expenditure of more than four years' time and intensive effort and at least 10,000,000 marks in German money. The German propaganda failed in Mexico, as elsewhere, because, as a writer in The Journal of the American Chamber in Mexico expressed it in the November number of that publication:

"It is, and always has been, a propaganda of lies. Because it deals exclusively in lies. Because it is composed of lies. Because it is organized and managed by arch liars who work with intent to lie and to deceive. But the German propaganda has failed principally because, in the long run, truth will beat lies every time."

Whatever success the Mexico Section attained may be attributed, in the main, to the fact that it dealt from the beginning to the end exclusively in truth. Its sole mission in Mexico was to tell the Mexicans the truth, not only about the United States, why it went to war, what it was doing in the war, and what the real attitude of the people and of the government of the United States was toward Mexico, but also what German militarism actually stood for, what the conduct of German statesmen, soldiers, and sailors had been in the war, and what were the sinister aims of the Kaiser and his accomplices toward democracy and free governments of free peoples.

The fight to win Mexico, or at least to obtain for the common cause an adequate hearing before the Mexican people, was essentially our fight. And this quite regardless of whatever interest any other nation embattled against the Germans might have held in the way of impressing their cause and their point of view upon the Mexicans. That the Mexican fight was our fight became apparent from the fact that it was only from the day we declared war that the German propaganda in Mexico really began to flourish. The Germans were cunning enough H. H. SEVIER FRANK J. MARION

VIRA B. WHITEHOUSE immediately thereafter to play upon the anti-American string. That was their best asset in Mexico, and they omitted no effort or expense to capitalize and profit by it.

This had been going on for almost a year when the Mexico Section was created. The Germans had organized well. For the most part, their propaganda was financed by loans made to the German Minister in Mexico by wealthy German commercial houses and individuals. These provided the Minister with unlimited funds in Mexican currency with which to corrupt public sentiment in Mexico, and which they loaned upon drafts upon the German government. In passing, it may be said that none of these drafts has yet been paid. No source of revenue of this nature was available to the Mexico Section. The only financial support, with one exception, which this office received from American nationals was indirect. It came through newspaper advertising from American business houses, which was provided for the support and encouragement of legitimate newspapers who championed the cause of the United States and of the Allies. This movement, although it was originated before the Mexico Section came into being, was latterly revived and placed upon a more effective basis through the influence of this office, with the assistance in various members of the American Chamber of Commerce in Mexico, notably William L. Vail, who volunteered to take charge of the work.

Details of the operation of the propaganda of the enemy did not differ materially from those employed in every neutral country. The basis of their work was conventional, practical, and sound. Upon that, however, they had reared a structure of falsification, misrepresentation, and chicanery. It was upheld, on the part of those among the Mexicans whom they drew to their support, not because of conscientious conviction of the justice of the cause which they were espousing, but solely because they were paid for what they did with copious moneys dealt out by the German information service. Authenticated documents from the records of the German information service, which are in possession of this office, show that the Germans were paying subsidies aggregating nearly $25,000 United States currency monthly to twenty-three newspapers and periodicals, besides supplying them with free paper and an alleged "cable" service made in Mexico. At a conservative estimate the press activities alone of the Germans in subsidies, paper, telegraph service, and tolls must have cost them not far from $50,000 United States currency monthly.

It is a significant fact, and one which redounds to the credit of the reputable, honorable journalists of Mexico, that during the war there was not a single newspaper or periodical in the Republic which pleaded the German cause that was self-sustaining. All were subsidized with German gold. On the other hand, there was not one pro-American Ally newspaper or periodical which was not self-sustaining. The Mexico Section, directly or indirectly, did not subsidize any publication

When the work of this office began the Germans had the field virtually to themselves. With rare exceptions the newspapers which were not avowedly pro-German gave the cause of the United States and of the Allies languid and indifferent support. Largely the fault for this condition was ours. Until we started our work no organized, adequate, authoritative channels for obtaining information regarding the purposes and the acts of the United States at war were available to newspapers or individuals who were inclined to be friendly. The reverse was impressively, emphatically, and, to us, reproachfully true, so far as the Germans were concerned.

But this initial handicap was speedily overcome. From the outset it was assumed that the Mexican press and public, or at least that portion of it which was not debauched by German money and German lies, was fair and receptive. This was almost instantaneously proved. We worked always in the open. Official notice was served upon the Mexican government of the establishment of the offices of the Committee in the City of Mexico and of the purpose of the Committee in extending its operations into Mexico. We hid nothing from public view. There was nothing to hide. Incidentally this principle was laid down and maintained to the point that the director felt free to declare, and still does declare, that there is not a document, record, payment, or act of the Mexico Section which is not open to the full and unrestricted scrutiny of any person in or out of Mexico,

From the beginning this office stressed the fact and gave it the widest proper publicity, that the Mexico Section spoke and functioned officially for the government of the United States, and that the government of the United States stood back of every statement contained in every cable report or piece of literature issued by us. Our challenge of responsibility for word and deed, both on behalf of our government and of this office, was not once questioned or accepted by those who opposed us.

Our sole mission was to inform the people of Mexico. It has been said that we did this adequately. All things considered — the remoteness of many of the populous parts of the Republic from our headquarters in the City of Mexico, the regrettable delay in commencing our work, the vast numerical preponderance of the illiterate over the literate among the population of Mexico, their latent antagonism to, and suspicion of, the United States, and the modest sum available for the purpose of the Committee in Mexico — one feels that inspection of the record of the Mexico Section may safely be invited from any critics, friendly or unfriendly.

The director was fortunate in being able to surround himself with a corps of assistants — Americans for the greater part, but including Mexicans, British, Russians, and French — who gave him efficient, loyal, and patriotic support. He owes much to them, and he takes pleasure in acknowledging that obligation with deep thanks. The always constructive, appreciated, and helpful interest and co-operation of the American Ambassador, Henry Prather Fletcher, Esq., contributed immeasurably to the success of the work of the Committee in Mexico. Enthusiastic and invaluable aid was also rendered, almost without exception, by the members of the consul corps of the United States in Mexico. Equally important service was given by volunteer correspondents in all parts of the Republic, who included not only Americans, but Mexican citizens and nationals of substantially every country on earth which either militantly or sentimentally were alined on the side of justice and democracy against despotism and ruthless force.

Two dominant facts stand out clearly as a result of the experience: One is that much was accomplished in acquainting the people of Mexico with the power, the resources in national crises, the righteously militant spirit, the ideals, the underlying altruism of their neighbors to the north. The obvious reply to this, of course, is that, considering the close geographical, commercial, and political ties of the two countries, the Mexican people should have known all this before. Which is quite true. But they didn't. It had never been the business of any one to enlighten them systematically, purposefully, and truthfully. The other fact is that much of permanent benefit to the United States and Mexico could and should be built upon the foundation laid by the Committee on Public Information.

Two expressions of judgment upon the work of the Mexico Section may properly be included in this report. The first is in the form of a resolution adopted by the American Chamber of Commerce in Mexico, as follows :

"Resolved, That this chamber commends in the highest terms the work accomplished by the Committee on Public Information in Mexico under the direction of Mr. Robert H. Murray, it being its judgment that a decided change for the better in the attitude of the Mexican people has been brought about through its efficient work.

"Resolved, That copies of the resolution be sent to the American Ambassador, American Consul-General in Mexico, Mr. George Creel, chairman of the Committee on Public Information in Washington, and to Mr. Robert H. Murray, director of the Mexican Section."

The second is an editorial published in La Prensa, a daily newspaper printed in the city of Puebla, on December 24, 1918.

"Varied and contradictory were the notices which during the terrible European War were circulated by the foreign information agencies established in the capital of the Republic, news emanating from the battle-fields according to the events occurring and sent to Mexico from the very countries at war. The effect of all this on the various parties is past history, each group wishing success for the side they sympathized with. The time is also past of uneasy expectation on the part of neutral nations, who anxiously followed the march of events as given out by the respective agencies, and who, while regretting the bloodshed and destruction of war, thought, as they still do, uneasily about the future of the world in respect to commercial relations and that state of peace which was to form a league of nations.

"Now that the great struggle has been solved by an armistice which will lead to the basis of a lasting peace; now with the disappearance of the powerful empire of the autocratic and warlike German Kaiser, who carried destruction and extermination into France and Belgium, and that the European nations breathe freely again; and now, also, that we can appreciate present events, as deductions from the past great battles, we see clearly that the reports of some foreign agencies were not true as to the course of events in the theaters of war, since we remember that for many days after the German failure and the abdication of a conquered William II, the pro-German papers and agencies continued to deny these events for a purpose the ultimate end of which would be ridicule, as actually happened in the case of these agencies.

" We must confess, however, because facts have so proved this, that the agency in the capital of the Committee on Public Information of the United States government in charge of Mr. Robert H. Murray never diverged from the truth and never tried to alter the telegrams which it received, whether they were favorable or adverse to the nation to which it belonged. Its reports were an exact statement and a truthful one of events, and its straightforward conduct must be valued for its true worth, if we remember those days of anxiety, of expectation, and of worry as to the results of the world struggle which had no equal in the centuries."

"We have always relied upon the reports issued by Mr. Murray's agency; we always received them with pleasure and entire confidence, and in repeating them to the public as received we invariably did so with the conviction of truth-bearers as to the terrible events happening overseas in which all Europe was involved.

The organization of the Mexico Section was arranged by subdivisions, according to the nature of the work. To the director fell the general executive functions. Next in authority came the office manager, Mr. Arthur de Lima, followed by the managers of the Editorial Department, the Motion Picture Department, the Still Picture Department, the Reading Room and School, and the Mailing Department. Each department had the necessary corps of translators, editors, teachers, clerks, stenographers, messengers, and office-boys. At no time did the entire force of the executive office exceed 40 persons. Salaries ranged downward from 100 pesos (substantially $50 United States currency), which was the highest paid. Our salaries as a rule were lower than paid for similar service by commercial houses. Preference in employment, so far as possible, was given to American citizens.

Thanks to the co-operation of Compub in New York, an excellent and carefully selected general war-news service which ran as high as 1,000 words daily, according to the importance and interest of the occurrences at home and abroad, was received in the City of Mexico by cable, via Galveston. Translators reduced the cables to Spanish. Copies were trans- 21 309 mitted by messenger, or land-telegraph wires, to 31 newspapers, 9 in the capital and 22 in the interior. In many instances the newspapers gave the Committee's cable service preference in display to despatches of their own special correspondents, or those of regular news agencies. At frequent intervals the newspapers in the capital issued extra afternoon editions on the war news furnished them by the Committee.

Implicit confidence was placed upon the authenticity of our news — so much so, in fact, that several newspapers which had been printing the alleged news despatches of the German information service abandoned them and instead used those of the Committee.

It was notorious that the German news service was fabricated in Mexico and that the Germans did not receive a word of cable news from without the Republic. German agents stationed at border points, notably Nuevo Laredo and Juarez, rewrote cable news clipped from the United States newspapers and stolen from news bureaus' and special correspondents' despatches sent to Mexican newspapers, distorted them to suit the purposes of the Germans, and distributed them to their dupes and subsidized newspapers as "special" cable or "wireless" messages.

Approximately 4,433,000 words of our daily cable service were distributed to the Mexican newspapers during the eleven months of the existence of the Mexico Section. Mimeographed copies of the daily despatches were prepared and a total of 35,000 of them were distributed in the City of Mexico among business firms, which displayed them in show windows, to the foreign legations, Mexican government officials, and individuals.

Spanish translations of special articles prepared by the Foreign Press Bureau of the Committee in New York, and made suitable by careful editing and revision for the Mexican field and the limited space of the newspapers, were sent daily to the 65 newspapers and periodicals on our list. The record shows that nearly 60 per cent, of this material was used. On an average 300 articles monthly, or 3,300 in all, were distributed. The supply was not equal to the demand, the same being true of cuts and matrices. Of the latter more than 2,000 were used.

To the newspapers also supplementary daily news letters (virtually a complete telegraphic service) were mailed, the total being 178,000. For the benefit of persons outside of Mexico, who were interested in Mexican affairs, it was deemed expedient, and within the functions of the Committee, to issue a weekly news bulletin in English. In this bulletin appeared only matter relating to official Mexican government activities and topics connected with reconstruction, industry, development, etc. This was sent by mail to 1,000 individuals and firms in the United States. Eighteen editions were published with a total circulation of 20,000. The bulletin met with appreciative reception and comment from hundreds of persons among those who received it, including members of the United States Congress, the Librarian of Congress, and other officials of our government and corporations and individuals having investment interests in Mexico. Requests for this bulletin were received in almost every mail and from parts as distant as England, Canada, and 'Japan. Franking privileges were granted by the Mexican government for both the news letter and the English bulletin.

Several months before the war closed it was found advisable to issue a weekly publication devoted exclusively to the interests and war activities of our government. This bore the title, America in the War. It consisted of sixteen illustrated pages, well edited and attractively arranged and printed. Its success was instantaneous and it developed into one of the most effective elements of our educational campaign. Especially was it valuable in inspiring and maintaining interest and enthusiasm among our correspondents, and bringing them more intimately in touch with this office. Of America in the War more than 100,000 were circulated in weekly editions of from 4,000 to 5,000 copies. We also bought and distributed not far from 500,000 copies of various publications containing special articles in support of the cause of the United States, or throwing light upon the friendly attitude of the United States toward the Mexican people and government.

Mr. George F. Weeks was manager of the Editorial Department.

With respect to literature, the chief difficulty encountered was not to find channels and outlets for carrying the word to the people, but to obtain enough material with which to satisfy their demands. We distributed a total of 985,000 pieces of literature of all descriptions — pamphlets, posters, folders, post-cards, not counting between 50,000 and 75,000 Liberty Loan and other war posters and half-tone window hangers, consigned to us from Washington and New York. Not less than 75 per cent, of our correspondents filed repeat orders for substantially every shipment of literature sent them. It was impossible to meet all of these requisitions. Double the amount of literature could have been circulated had it been available. Travelers constantly brought us word of having seen in remote places copies of the more popular of the pamphlets, President Wilson's Fourteen Points, his address to the Mexican editors who visited him at the White House, his war speeches to the Congress, a condensation of Brand Whitlock's story of Belgium, the circumstantial accounts of the German atrocities, and Prince Lichnowsky's pillorying of his government for precipitating the war, which had been passed from hand to hand and read and reread until the pages were in tatters.

In general, the literature was circulated in two ways — by the correspondents in their respective districts and by mail directly from headquarters. A mailing-list was prepared which contained nearly 20,000 names of professional men, government officials, school-teachers, merchants, clergymen, labor leaders, farmers, and others in the middle and higher walks of life. Many hundreds of letters were received from the persons who obtained literature, expressing their thanks, asking for more, and not seldom inclosing the names of friends to whom they wished pamphlets mailed. So far as possible, pamphlets were prepared which contained matter calculated to appeal especially to sundry classes, such as working-men, the clergy, educators, etc. Whenever the text permitted, they were embellished with illustrations.

Posters were effective and we used them freely. Care was taken to phrase them tersely and simply.

No literature was issued anonymously. We officially stood sponsor for everything. Each piece of printed matter bore the imprint of the Committee and the slogan of the office: "The War: Remember, The United States Cannot Lose!" Constant and indefatigable reiteration of this phrase eventually elevated it to the dignity of an impressive and confident prophecy. It was effective — so much so that for a time it enjoyed ephemeral life as a popular catchword in the streets and on the stage of the capital. In their heyday the Germans made it the subject of sarcastic jest.

It goes without saying that among a population in which illiterates unfortunately predominate motion pictures possess an enormous influence as a medium for conveying impressions and creating sentiment where the printed word is without value. In Mexico the motion-picture films proved to be one of our greatest assets. The pictures "got over" and won converts to our cause where other mediums would inevitably have failed. Our motion-picture campaign was successful. But at first it was uphill work. German agents saw to it diligently in the beginning that displays of war pictures of American soldiers, in the camp or in the field, of our preparations in every branch of our mobilizations of the industrial, military, naval, and social forces which the government brought to bear in the conflict, met with an uproariously hostile reception from the audiences to which they were shown. Frequently the police were summoned to restore order. Complaints to the authorities were made by our opponents that our pictures were inciting riots and that the screening of portraits of the President, General Pershing, and other notable personages, and of the American flag floating at the forefront of marching troops or at the masthead of naval units, constituted an insult to the Mexican government and people and were in violation of Mexico's neutrality. On various occasions our displays were halted until the local authorities could be convinced by tactful explanations, and by private exhibitions given for their benefit, that the pictures might properly be allowed on view.

Gradually the demonstrations lessened, and finally ceased. The pictures won their way. The attitude of the public altered until after a few months we were repaid for our persistence by reports from our agents telling of cheering and applause in place of hoots and yells, and even of vivas being given for the flag, the President, American war- vessels, and American soldiers.

American industrial films, with which we were freely supplied, aroused a disappointing volume of interest. The public appetite would be satisfied with nothing less tame than actual war pictures or commercial films telling stories to Germany's discredit. Measurably successful exhibitions of the industrial films were given in the open air, in schools, and before selected audiences.

On the circuit organized by the Motion Picture Department, of which Dr. M. L. Espinosa was in charge, our films were shown in 68 houses throughout the Republic, and to audiences which, according to our carefully kept reports, aggregated 4,500,000 persons.

Effective use was made of the still pictures sent us from Washington. Boards were provided which had space for twelve pictures, each with an explanatory caption in Spanish. The boards were attractively made and painted and bore in Spanish, "The Committee on Public Information, Mexico Section," in addition to printed cards, which were frequently changed, with educational references to what the United States was doing in the war. These pictures were changed weekly. The boards were exhibited in shop-windows and other conspicuous places. They amply supplemented the appeal of the motion pictures, and, probably to the same extent as the latter, impressed through the medium of the eye the might and resources which the United States arrayed against German military despotism. Altogether there were displayed in this manner 116,256 separate still pictures. Mr. L. Kuhn was manager of the Still Picture Department.

Two experiments which were approached with a degree of caution and doubt — our Reading Room and School in the City of Mexico — proved to be among the most successful and effective branches of the work. The Reading Room was designed as a popular center for general dissemination of information. It became all of that and more. Quarters were obtained in a large store-room on one of the most frequented thoroughfares in the business heart of the capital. Appropriate equipment of tables, chairs, etc., was provided. With flags, bunting, pictures of American and Allied notables, posters, etc., the room was attractively decorated. Files were kept of the Mexican newspapers and periodicals and also of the principal American newspapers and illustrated magazines.

An abundant supply of Spanish-printed literature, including all of the publications of the Committee, was available, both for reading and on the premises and for distribution.

Our daily cable news was displayed on bulletin-boards, inside and outside of the Reading Room. Free toilet conveniences, a dressing-room for women, telephone, and writing-paper were included in the equipment. From the beginning the Reading Room was patronized to capacity day and evening. The visitors came from all ranks of citizens, artisans, laborers, shopkeepers, professional men, women, flocking there for enlightenment as to the issues and progress of the war, and to exchange views on the situation. Spirited discussions took place. Several times weekly lectures or talks upon the war, the United States, Mexican affairs, and kindred topics were given. Occasionally the discussions were illustrated by motion pictures. During the seven and a half months in which the Reading Room was open the number of visitors, by actual count, totaled 106,868.

Encouraged by the reception given the Reading Room, it was determined to take advantage of the wide-spread demand, indicated frequently among the visitors, to open a school for instruction in English. A shop adjoining the Reading Room was rented and furnished with desks, benches, and blackboards.

From the initial session, the capacity of the school was taxed. English was the most eagerly sought-for study, but French, bookkeeping, and stenography classes were well patronized. A corps of teachers, volunteers or paid, labored diligently, intelligently, and successfully. Instruction was free and many pupils were drawn from institutions where tuition fees were charged because, as they said, more practical and effective teaching was given in the Committee's school than in the others. The zest of the pupils to acquire English was amazing. Their curiosity regarding the government of the United States, its history, art, literature, and the customs of our people, was evinced to a degree which the management, owing to the limitations imposed upon it, found difficult to satisfy.

In age the students ranged from boys and girls of sixteen to elderly men and women. The working-classes predominated. With few exceptions those who entered studied hard and persistently. Uninterested pupils were weeded out, and their places given to the more ambitious and serious applicants. When the school closed 1,127 individual pupils were registered. The total school-day attendance was nearly 30,000. Sixteen English classes were in operation with an average of 65 pupils, two French classes with an average of 103 pupils, and four special English and two special classes with an average of 12 pupils.

No one who watched the operation of the school and appreciated by observation the zest of the students to learn English, and the sympathetic mental trend toward the United States inspired among them in the process, could fail to regret that the classes might not have been continued permanently, and that some arrangement might not be made for extending on a larger scale throughout Mexico what the Committee accomplished in an experimental way in the capital.

Through the efforts of the section six reading-rooms were established and successfully conducted outside of the capital, in Guadalajara, Vera Cruz, Aguascalientes, Leon, Durango, and Irapuato.

Mr. J. B. Frisbie was manager of the Reading Room and School.

A trial shipment of 50,000 celluloid buttons bearing the flags of the United States and of the Spanish-American Republics which entered the war against Germany, and the legend, "Allied in Honor," proved so popular that 100,000 more were obtained. The end of the war rendered it unnecessary to continue this distribution.

The Liberty Truth Committee, composed of representatives of the American Chamber of Commerce in Mexico, and operating in close co-operation with the section, aided vitally in our newspaper campaign by obtaining advertising appropriations from American business concerns for the legitimate encouragement of newspapers and other publications which supported our cause.

The Advertising Section bought and used freely advertising space, plainly marked as such, in newspapers and magazines. Its appropriation for this purpose was inadequate, but profitable reaction resulted from what expenditures it was able to make. Especially effective was a series of full-page and half-page advertisements announcing the heavy oversubscription to the Fourth Liberty Loan which were printed to counteract the intensive and desperate efforts of the Germans to delude the Mexican public into believing that the American people had repudiated the war through failure to subscribe the full amount of the loan.

With the exception of a few sparsely settled and remote points, operations extended through the entire Republic. Representatives of the Committee were stationed in every city and important town in the country. When the armistice — the date upon which the work of the section was at flood-tide — was signed on November 11, 1918, the Mexico Section had 222 individual correspondents, who covered 165 points.